BY
ANIRBAN BANDYOPADHYAY
CULTURES OF CASTE
PART 2
Caste
in Bengal is not present, where it is elsewhere and this is precisely; why it is elsewhere
in Bengal. In other words, caste in Bengal is manifested in sites where the
common sense searches do not expect it. Let me clarify, that by caste I refer to
prejudiced or preconceived hierarchies as though they were natural. In this
post, I present two contemporary stories. Both of them came to my attention on
13 December, 2015. This post then, is about some of the ways in which caste is
present in Bengal in the everyday perceptions and prejudices of the urban
middle classes.
The Errant Politician
The
two stories emerge from reports from the largest circulated Bengali newspaper
published from Kolkata. They happened to me in the sense that I read them, like
lakhs of other Bengalis. But something about the content of the report made me
read it against the grain. Here, I describe how I read it and about the
unanticipated directions to which that reading directed me.
The first was a long report on a major local politician in Malda district who had refused to release an ambulance to its target recipients, in this case a Dalit Caste Association. The ambulance had been purchased presumably; out of the local area development fund of the politician. He is something of a royalty there. Years ago, his elder brother practically ruled the place as a major Congress leader, and dispensed benevolence and retribution freely and generously. People there; would treat him with reverence, in shock and awe; considering him to be an absolute monarch or a divine entity. Other members of the family have since laid claim to that legacy, in substantial measure and with a degree of success. Even today, the family can make or break political and material fortunes in that district.
The first was a long report on a major local politician in Malda district who had refused to release an ambulance to its target recipients, in this case a Dalit Caste Association. The ambulance had been purchased presumably; out of the local area development fund of the politician. He is something of a royalty there. Years ago, his elder brother practically ruled the place as a major Congress leader, and dispensed benevolence and retribution freely and generously. People there; would treat him with reverence, in shock and awe; considering him to be an absolute monarch or a divine entity. Other members of the family have since laid claim to that legacy, in substantial measure and with a degree of success. Even today, the family can make or break political and material fortunes in that district.
The Missing Association
There
has been research on ‘voluntary’ caste associations by historians and political
scientists. But the focus generally remained confined to the extent to which
these associations manage to consolidate caste groups into homogenous voting
blocks. Since caste associations in Bengal cannot do that in Bengal, research
on caste associations in Bengal has never quite taken off. But they continue to
exist, largely as non-governmental organizations, distributing relief or
serving the needs of fellow caste-men within the limited resources in its
command. As such, these are social organizations composed only of fellows from
a particular caste. They may or may not be politically active or useful, but
only detailed research can bring out exactly what role they get to play in
organized electoral politics. This particular caste association in Bengal
survives as a social service organization and local interest group.
Hierarchy as a Force
The ambulance was to be ceremoniously handed over to the Dalit Caste Association by the Leader. As such, the organization had put
together a ceremony,accordingly. Meanwhile, something about them; caused the leader some
displeasure and he refused to attend the ceremony. He then, called the leaders to
another ceremony he would be attending. They rushed. There, the leader formally
handed over the key to the ambulance. Yet, the very next day he sent a man and
asked for the key. The unsuspecting, or simply puzzled recipients did as
asked. Since then, the ambulance had been idling away in the custody of this
political leader. He has not even formally denied the charge. The newspaper
published the report as an instance of the unjust and arbitrary conduct of the
leader, that is, he had been impeding public good and so on.
Forging Association
But
the report also mentions that the members of that Dalit caste association are
not too happy and that they were planning formal complaints to various
governmental authorities, such as the District Magistrate and the Superintendent
of Police. Besides, they had already got in touch with the media, or else I
would not be reading the story sitting in Kolkata. They also spoke about
planning to mobilize their entire community against this perceived injustice. The
community, they claimed, numbered almost a million.
New Possibilities…
So
here we have a caste association actually claiming some control over a
constituency of some million citizens. Whether they actually succeed in their
plan is for future to tell. But the very fact, that there is still a Dalit caste
association in West Bengal; which is actually planning to mobilize a million strong members is news enough. After all, researchers on caste in West Bengal have
not yet found any major caste collective, other than the Matuas, which command
that large a following. Again, only detailed focus research can work out if
indeed; they actually command that large a following in reality. I am happy
enough to note; that there are influential caste collectives other than Matuas
in Bengal. The point I am making; is simply; that by presuming that caste
associations in Bengal are not political or electorally insignificant, we end
up obviating possibilities of actually exploring what exactly it is that they
do, or are. Now, they can well be less electorally influential than caste
associations, say, in Bihar, but has there been any research to that effect,
apart from the little that has been done on the Matua
Mahasangha? To a non-Malda resident, and most certainly to a non-Bengali
scholar, it would appear that such caste associations simply do not exist.
The first point, therefore, is that researchers on caste in Bengal now have a potentially large Dalit caste association to work on, in terms of what it had been, is or can possibly be.
The first point, therefore, is that researchers on caste in Bengal now have a potentially large Dalit caste association to work on, in terms of what it had been, is or can possibly be.
Genealogies Galore
The
second report is about a genealogy of some sort. One enthusiast had been
collecting details about the forefathers of President Pranab Mukherjee, going
back to nearly thousand years which he has formally presented as a richly bound
tome to the President himself. The latter reportedly had earlier encouraged
him. The document reportedly is an encyclopedia on all Mukherjees of Bengal, or
of the gotra (clan/lineage) to which
all Mukherjees of Bengal are reportedly bound by blood. In itself, it is a perfectly harmless exercise, for it entails no rape or murder in the name of
caste. Yet, it points to the keen desire among sections of Bengali Brahmans to
believe, and try to ‘scientifically’ establish, that all of them sprang from a
single ‘original’ forefather, who had at some point of time in the past; migrated to Bengal from
somewhere in North India. But can a Dalit caste in Bengal put together a
comparable genealogy purportedly running into a thousand years, or make a list
of secular successes within its own clan? Do the amateur researchers even
realize that without their intentions, they are in the process; interiorizing
others? Does the President really need a thousand year old genealogy to prove
that his forefathers were great men? Aren’t his own current achievements great
enough? In any case, it is hard to believe that every one of us had great forefathers
for the last thousand years. Does the genealogy also include the rotten
apples within the clan? It is a historical fact, that until the 1940s, urban
Bhadraloks, and those in district towns, had this tendency to have their
genealogies written, in order to publicly ascertain their glorious
past. In some ways, these were Indian imitations of the Peerage list. Everyone
wanted to be a grandee, with an illustrious set of pasts and predecessors.
Given the current President’s age, and his legendary memory, he will possibly
remember Gyanendra Nath Kumar’s Vamsha Parichaoy volumes. The point I am making
is simply that the Bengali Bhadralok had once; deep anxieties about their very
recent elevation to respectability, vis a vis the Europeans, especially in
matters of peerage.
Research Possibilities…
There was nothing new or unique in this. New arrivals
to money and respectability in every society look toward projecting a glorious
inheritance. So, there developed a whole genre among amateur Bengali
‘researchers’ which dedicated itself to writing ‘genealogies’ or clan
histories, as it were, of successful men and families in and around Kolkata.
With time, that genre has faded away from the public memory. The researchers on
caste in Bengal have explored this genre very rarely and when they did, such as
Kumkum Chatterjee’s excellent articles on genealogies as historical material,
the attention has either been on how they open up the very definition of
history in early twentieth century Bengal, or on how they offer excellent
material for a social history of medieval Bengal. They are both eminently valid
concerns, yet it is possible to look at this genre also as a way in which
the Bhadralok had been building a self identity, in alliance with the new
discipline and discourse of ‘history’, and in contradistinction to the
Europeans outside and to the ‘low’ castes within its own social world. The self making
of the Bhadralok again is a familiar territory for researchers, but not pertaining to this genre of literature.
The second point I make therefore, is that there is a need to research how distinguished Bhadralok families in early twentieth century Bengal had their genealogies made, as a mark of, well, distinction, and how this strategy possibly came to generate a sense of inadequacy among those who could not boast of such pedigree or had no means to arrange for their genealogies to be written up.
The second point I make therefore, is that there is a need to research how distinguished Bhadralok families in early twentieth century Bengal had their genealogies made, as a mark of, well, distinction, and how this strategy possibly came to generate a sense of inadequacy among those who could not boast of such pedigree or had no means to arrange for their genealogies to be written up.
Author's Bio- Note:
Anirban Bandyopadhyay researches social and cultural history of modern
Bengal and India, with particular reference to caste questions in the public
domain. He has a PhD in history from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi,
India and is working on his first monograph. Bandyopadhyay has published on
caste in edited volumes, EPW and South Asian History and Culture. He also
publishes general interest columns on caste, cinema, sports, books and politics
in Deccan Herald, DNA, Economic Times, Open Magazine, The Telegraph,
Anandabazar Patrika and Ei Samay. A bilingual academic cum public intellectual,
he currently works as a Junior Research Officer at the Educational Multimedia
Research Centre, Kolkata.
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